Iranian-Russian relations are of major significance especially considering the current geopolitical situation in the region and in the world.
Russian Ambassador to Iran Alexey Yurievich Dedov has told IRNA in an exclusive interview that Moscow is determined to further boost its ties with Tehran as he insists that economic cooperation between the two states are not at a satisfactory level.
Referring to a long-term partnership agreement being negotiated between Iran and Russia, Dedov believes that the deal would create a robust basis for the two countries to expand their ties in all areas.
The diplomat also welcomes a recent understanding between Iran and Saudi Arabia to restore their diplomatic relations, saying that the agreement will improve the situation in the Middle East and beyond.
He also hails efforts by Iran and Russia to shift to local or regional currencies in their trade ties and said that the de-dollarization process will expand to cover many more countries in the future.
In his interview with the IRNA, Dedov also explained Russia’s stance with regard to a peace plan that could settle disputes between the country and Ukraine.
Following is the full text of Dedov’s interview with the IRNA:
As the newly-appointed Russian ambassador to Iran, how would you assess the key objectives of the growing collaboration between Tehran and Moscow as the two countries have embarked on a new phase of bilateral relations?
Well. I should say that today the dynamics of relations and cooperation between Russia and Iran is quite good. The cooperation is developing in many directions. First of all, there are close contacts between our leaders and other senior officials. You know that Russian President Vladimir Putin and Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi have held three phone calls only this year. There is also a very good exchange between heads of security councils of the two countries. As you probably remember, Secretary of Security Council of Russian Federation Nikolai Patrushev visited Iran in November and his Iranian counterpart Ali Shamkhani visited Moscow in February. Exchanges between our ministers of foreign affairs have also been at a good level. For example, your foreign Minister Hossein Amir Abdollahian’s last visit to Russia was in late March. On the parliamentary level, a Russian parliamentary delegation led by head of Friendship group in State Duma Vladimir Vasilyev visited Iran at the end of last year, and in late January, speaker of Russian Duma Vyacheslav Volodin paid another visit to Tehran. And we hope that Speaker of the Iranian parliament Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf will visit Russia.
On economy, bilateral trade and economic exchange figures are quite good. For example, growth in trade ties was 40% in 2021 and it was 20% last year when our trade turnover reached nearly $5 billion or slightly less. In fact, to be precise, it was $4.86 billion. Of course, the Russian-Iranian Inter-governmental Commission is playing the leading role in this process. The Commission is led on our side by Deputy Prime Minister Alexander Novak and on the Iranian side by Oil Minister Javad Owji. A very fruitful round of Commission talks was held in late October and in early November in the Russian city of Grozny.
On joint projects between the two countries, the most notable one is of course the construction of block two and block three of Bushehr nuclear power station in southern Iran.
If we take culture and education, we have increased the number of scholarships granted to Iranian students and researchers to 300. Russian musicians participated in the Fajr Music Festival late last year and Iran was represented in a music event in Saint Peterburg.
On sports, a football match was held in Isfahan between Zenith Saint Peterburg and Sepahan FC, followed by other matches between teams from the two countries. So you see that expansion of ties between Iran and Russia is multi-dimensional.
As for the priorities in bilateral ties, I think we should continue to develop cooperation across all fields. Of course, I agree with the opinion of our Iranian partners who say they are satisfied with the level of political cooperation between the two countries. However, they encourage us and officials in Iran to put more emphasis on economic ties and there are some additional work to be done to further improve the direction of ties between the two countries. The annual trade figure of $5 billion is of course not enough and the potential of our countries is much higher.
When could we anticipate the conclusion and ratification of the long-term bilateral agreement between Iran and Russia? Could you explain the significant features of this agreement and the various aspects it encompasses?
Well, there is quite intensive work being done on this agreement. The process is being supervised by leaders and ministers of foreign affairs of Russia and Iran. Of course, I would not disclose the precise contents of these documents until they are signed and finalized. However, I can say that it will be a very, very solid agreement, which covers almost all aspects of cooperation between Iran and Russia. Our presumption is that such agreements should give long-term and additional dynamics to the development of cooperation between the two countries, which, as I said, is multifaceted. It will be a very comprehensive and solid document that will serve the long-term prospects of cooperation between the two countries.
What is your opinion about recent remarks in Tehran by Russian presidential aide Mr. Igor Levitin on the possibility of multilateral economic contracts in the region alongside existing bilateral relations between Tehran and Moscow? Which domains do you think this proposed multilateral cooperation could cover and which regional countries could potentially contribute to these mutually beneficial ventures?
Well. In the beginning of April, Mr. Levitin visited Tehran and had very good and substantial meetings, including with vice president Mohammad Mokhber, secretary of Supreme National Security Council Mr. Ali Shamkhani, transportation minister Mr. Bazrpash as well as meetings in the Iranian parliament. They were very constructive and very substantial. And the main topic was the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC). As you know, it leads from Russia, from the region of Baltic Sea, from Leningrad to India, via the territory of Iran. There are three routes, the western route which is located along the western side of Caspian Sea, the direct route which goes through the Caspian Sea and the eastern route. Of course, all three routes pass through the territory of Iran to the port of Bandar Abbas and from there by sea to India. But the current focus of efforts on the INSTC is to make the best use of the western route and the key to this is to build a railway from Azerbaijan’s Astara to Iran’s Astara and to continue it to the city of Rasht in northern Iran. Rasht is already connected through a railway to Qazvin and to the wider railway network in Iran. So the construction of Astara-Rasht railway would make it possible to transport cargo from Leningrad to Bandar Abbas via rail links which will save a lot of time.
How does Moscow perceive the recent developments in regional dynamics, particularly concerning the Iran-Saudi Arabia accord and the normalization of relations among regional countries and Syria? Is there any potential for trilateral collaboration between Iran, Russia, and Saudi Arabia, and how might a substantive agenda be established in this context?
We welcome the decision to restore diplomatic relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia. And we see it as a fact that the decision will greatly improve the entire regional situation in the Middle East and even in the wider world. We were supportive of the process to restore ties between the two countries. We had contacts with our Iranian and Saudi friends to encourage them to make their positions closer to each other.
As for Syria, these normalization trends are positive in our view. You know that Saudi Arabia has invited Syrian President Bashar al-Assad for a meeting of summit of League of Arab States. Russia has always stood for a return of Syria to, so to speak, the Arab family because this would greatly contribute to the stability of the Middle East in general.
And on trilateral cooperation between, Iran, Saudi Arabia and Russia, let's see how the relations and this process of normalization between Iran and Saudi Arabia would evolve and what particular projects they would implement. In fact, when cooperation between the two countries is in a practical stage, we shall see where Russia can join in to make these projects more effective.
Chinese mediation in the recent Iran-Saudi agreement has notably captured attention in the West as it is a sign of China’s growing influence in the Middle East. What is Russia's stance on this, and how might Moscow’s Middle Eastern policies adapt to these emerging regional trends?
Well, of course, we welcome the important role China played in the normalization of relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia. We monitored the primary agreements reached between secretaries of security councils of Iran and Saudi Arabia in their meeting in early March in Beijing as well as a following encounter in China between two ministers of foreign affairs Mr. Amirabdollahian and Mr. bin Farhan. This is a positive development and we welcome it. Western countries feel disappointed with the normalization because they considered the former status quo in relations between the Iran and Saudi Arabia to be favorable to their political objectives. In fact, they were satisfied with confrontation between Iran and Saudi Arabia and they became disappointed by the fact that such confrontations have come to an end.
Lately, we have been hearing more about de-dollarization or efforts to reduce the role of the US dollar in regional and international trade. Russia has also managed to reduce the role of the US dollar in its economic relations with some of its partners, including with China and India. How serious are these efforts and how do you see the process going forward?
Well, as you know our economy, like the Iranian economy, is under sanctions. So under such conditions, trying to de-dollarize our external trade is quite, I think, a logical decision. We should take into consideration the difficulties the countries face in dollar transactions because of the sanctions. It concerns not only Russia and Iran but our trade partners. We are actually taking into account the political situation as we think that the de-dollarization process will continue and will expand. It will weaken the United States' position as the unique holder of an instrument which settles international payments. We think this process will expand. Even the French president announced recently that Europe should reduce its dependence on the dollar.
The agreement between Iran and Russia concerning the launch of official financial messaging systems (SEPAM and SPFS) reached in February 2023 is said to have the potential to expand and cover similar systems in Eurasian countries. Could you elaborate on this?
Well, the process is evolving and it's a very positive process. We are now prioritizing financial and banking cooperation with Iran, given our common focus on ensuring the sustainability of bilateral payment and settlement systems, without considering intermediaries from other countries. Work on the creation of a sustainable payment and settlement system is continuing through relevant government agencies and we seriously hope that it will bring practical results.
Experts and the public seem to believe that Russia is not playing an active role with regard to the recent developments in South Caucasus despite escalating tensions in the region. Has Russia taken any measures or is considering any plan to help restore peace in the region?
Well, I should say that we are active participants in normalization process in South Caucasus. Let's mention this format 3+3 which includes Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. That's a troika so to speak, and Russia, Iran and Turkey form the other troika. We hope that meeting within this format will finally take place in the foreseeable future. Now it's Tehran’s turn to hold the meeting and hopefully, it will give lead to practical results. Of course, we are directly involved in normalization efforts between Armenia and Azerbaijan as well.
The position adopted by Western governments with regard to peace plans proposed for Ukraine appears incoherent as they have rarely welcomed them. Why is that? And how do you foresee the future of the war in Ukraine? Is an imminent resolution in sight, or should we brace for a protracted conflict? Moreover, how might a viable resolution be attained, and what is Russia's perspective on a potential mediator and a peace plan to settle the conflict in Ukraine? What should a peace plan bring about for Ukraine?
Well, first of all, I should note that so far we have not seen any suitable conditions for transition of this process into a stage where peace can be attained. The destructive line adopted by the Collective West, which is led by Washington, remains unchanged. The goal pursued by the West is to use Ukraine to impose a strategic defeat on Russia on the battlefield. They want to cancel Russia, so to speak, because of the independent policies adopted by our country which is based on principles of the international law. We see and hear, from Kyiv, Washington, and Brussels, statements that this military action should not stop and Ukraine should not go to negotiations. We proposed such negotiations, but the West and Ukraine, they didn't want to listen. As for the principles of any peace plan, they should be formulated by us. A first condition would be a cessation of hostilities by the Ukrainian armed forces and an end to Western arms deliveries to Ukraine. Then it is the withdrawal of international mercenaries from the territory of Ukraine and to guarantee the neutral and non-bloc status of Ukraine as well as Ukraine’s refusal to join NATO and the European Union, and the confirmation of non-nuclear status of Ukraine, and recognition by Kyiv and the international community of new territorial realities. In the meantime, Ukraine should be demilitarized and denazified, the rights of Russian-speaking people and minorities in the country should be protected and sanctions should be canceled. These are, well, quite acceptable conditions and there is, I think, nothing excessive in it. They are quite reasonable.
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